Posg later moved to kc. By the end of the s, KOAM adopted a country music format. It was sold to American Media Investments on May 11, Willis also oversaw many of the live remote broadcasts and emceed events, and he promoted an annual drive to buy Christmas gifts for developmentally-disabled children that were patients in a local care facility.
The radil director was Hugh Robinson, and Rob Strand was the sports reporter. KKOW was among the first stations in the area to broadcast 24 hours a day in the early s, a rarity in the market. KKOW exercised a Top 40 country format in the trailwrs, and heavily promoted popular acts such as srkansas Judds that would come to Pittsburg's Memorial Auditorium to perform. Whatever may have happened to the morals of presidential aides, it seems that standards at the FBI slumped calamitously. Clinton is similarly lucky in those Arkansas state troopers who were his bodyguards in Little Rock. Their wide-eyed allegations of his romantic dalliances lost credibility for several reasons.
The troopers appeared to have a financial motive. Their probity was in question after news broke of the truth about why their patrol car hit a tree at three o'clock one morning in At the time of the accident they told insurance investigators that they had been sober and on official business.
In a subsequent lawsuit, however, they swore they grading spent the evening downing whiskies at a bar called the Bobbisox Lounge. And they were represented by the Arkansas lawyer Cliff Jackson, one of the founding members of the loose consortium we might call Clinton Scandals, Inc. An Oxford classmate of Clinton's, Jackson was a young Republican who in helped Clinton with his draft problems. The relationship then soured.
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By Jackson was organizing an anti-Clinton advertising campaign during the New Hampshire primary. He was an amateur, but the professionals were about to move in. Floyd Brown, the author of the notorious Willie Horton ad in the presidential campaign, returned in to promote a telephone service playing tapes of Clinton's conversations with Gennifer Flowers, the woman who claimed to have been his mistress. Richard Mellon Scaife, through his newspaper the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, advanced the theory of foul play behind the supposed suicide of Vincent Foster.
One of the heirs to the Mellon banking fortune, Scaife also helped to finance Accuracy in Media and the Western Journalism Center, organizations that bought advertising space in the mainstream press to publicize these allegations. Together with the marketing of anti-Clinton videos by the TV evangelist Jerry Falwell, these assaults on the Clintons helped to create a subsidized culture of scandal, designed to sap the Clinton presidency if not destroy it. With enemies like these, the Clintons should not need friends. The eminence of that newspaper has tended to spare it the criticism that some of its reporting and comment have deserved.
Written by Jeff Gerth, who also wrote the first Whitewater stories, it contained one serious error and some unsettling sleights of hand. The Times said that Hillary Clinton had been helped by "a friend who was the top lawyer for one of the state's most powerful and heavily regulated companies.
Clinton Scandals, Inc.
He joined Tyson later, after losing millions in the same futures market that Hillary Clinton had wisely abandoned in time. While she was trading, inher husband the governor was infuriating Don Tyson and the chicken lobby by failing to raise the weight limit on Arkansas roads and allow bigger and heavier trucks on the state's highways. The implication of the New York Times article was, in the words of its subhead, that the "company thrived in Clinton years. And the tax credits, which were for investments, were legally due to any company that made similar investments. In sum, Gerth had a terrific story in Hillary Clinton's extraordinarily profitable investments.
But he then overegged the pudding by implying a broad pattern of corruption and quid pro quo, and in the process going a lot further than the evidence could justify. This is not what one expects from The New York Times, and it casts a shadow upon the paper's other assaults on the Clinton presidency, in its overheated editorials and in the influential op-ed columns of William Safire, who has called Hillary Clinton "a congenital liar. He was outraged at the way big-city reporters flew in "to portray the entire state of Arkansas as a veritable American Transylvania: He does not quite sustain his claim that "the Washington media had turned itself into a wholly owned subsidiary of the Republican Party.
First, at the time the Clintons initially invested with Jim McDougal in the Whitewater property, McDougal was neither a banker nor a savings-and-loan man.
Classic country radio stations in the United St...
Second, all the evidence suggests that McDougal later sought to defraud the Clintons, transferring assets out of the company, selling the remaining Whitewater lots for a secondhand airplane he fancied, and leaving Bill and Hillary Clinton responsible for the original loan. The legal team included the Clinton critic and former U. That is one point on which James B. Stewart, the author of the best-selling Blood Sport: His book has been much praised, and it is a decent journalist's attempt to make something readable of a paltry set of transactions and balance sheets. Stewart, too, concludes that the Clintons were guilty of no criminal activity -- except perhaps one small thing, which he mentioned in his appearance on Nightline.
Hillary Clinton broke the law, Stewart said, with the Whitewater loan-renewal application; she submitted "a false financial document" that inflated the value of the property.
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He had failed to read the back of the personal rado statement for trailsrs loan-renewal application, where she had explained the valuation in detail. In capital letters at the bottom of the document, where Stewart could hardly have missed it, was the warning "both sides of this statement must be completed. However, they did not repudiate him or categorically refuse to support him. These were not profiles of courage, but profiles of pragmatism. Indeed, four days of rowdy chaos in the Republican Party preceded Super Tuesday.
After months in an incredulous stupor, NeverTrump spasms erupted all over the GOP —from Mitt Romney to freshman Nebraska Senator Ben Sasse to arch-conservative talk radio host Steve Deace — with no apparent organization and to no apparent avail. Republican presidential candidate Sen. He is a useful obstacle at best, not a practical alternative. Marco Rubio had a terrible night and was left trumping up a win in the Minnesota caucuses and a couple of second-place finishes. Little was expected from John Kasich on Super Tuesday and little was delivered.
So now the once staid, traditionalist Republican Party is forced to play against odds that heavily favors the house, in this case, the Trump Casino. It would seem there are only two plays left: That is not happening and there is no superpower in the party that can make it happen.